Through the personal statement of FBI Director J.
Edgar Hoover, it seems that even Hoover himself wanted to ensure that his
agency did not officially overstep its rights in the crusade against communism.
He stressed that the FBI is purely an “investigative agency” - its job was to
get the facts, not to establish policies or to make prosecution decisions
(Hoover 1947, 1). Hoover recommended that Americans live their lives with “old-fashioned
Americanism” (Hoover 1947, 11). While he also expressed that communists should
be prosecuted to the fullest extent of the law, it is interesting to note how
Hoover stressed that the FBI was purely an investigative agency whose job was
not to recommend policy or prosecution. Hoover wanted to ensure that all are
aware that the job of the FBI was merely fact gathering, unlike some of the
other government agencies. According to Hoover, “anyone who opposes the
American Communist is at once branded a ‘disrupter’, a ‘Fascist’, a ‘Red baiter’,
or a ‘Hitlerite’” (Hoover 1947, 2). Like other critics of the decade, Hoover wanted
to ensure that he presented himself as a virulent anti-communist while still
arguing that the job of the FBI was not to engage in a witch hunt.
In a similar manner, in a 2010 article discussing
gossip columnist, noted Republican, and vehement anti-communist Hedda Hopper,
University of Auckland Associate Professor Jennifer Frost reports that when
Hopper formed the Motion Picture Alliance for the Preservation of American
Ideals (MPA) in 1944, many Hollywood conservatives joined, including director
Cecil B. De Mille, studio head Walt Disney, actors Adolphe Menjou, Robert
Taylor, and John Wayne, union leader Roy Brewer, and novelist Ayn Rand. But at this same time, conservative
Pulitzer-Prize winning playwright Elmer Rice stated that the MPA followed
“orthodox Red-baiting and witch-hunting lines…[its members’ views were] tinged
with isolationism and anti-unionism and off-the-record of course…anti-Semitism
and Jim Crowism” (Frost 2010, 178-79). Rice’s statement was one of the bluntest
and most passionate disapprovals of the anti-communists. His stance discredited
the typical depiction of Hollywood as a place where everyone had to be an
outspoken anti-communist if they hoped to work and live in peace. Instead,
individuals were allowed to speak out against vehement anti-communism without
being persecuted as communists themselves, but only as long as long as they
couched their arguments in the anti-communist rhetoric of the day. American
citizens joined the Hollywood critics in boycotting the investigations of the
federal government, claiming that they probed too deeply (and oftentimes with
incorrect assumptions) into their personal lives.
Another noteworthy instance of protest against the
actions of the United States government toward communism came from British
filmmaker Karel Reisz. Reisz, although as a Brit obviously an outsider to the
fine workings of American politics and society, argued that the anti-communist
films produced by the Hollywood machine during this time were actually doing
more to hurt the cause of anti-communism than to help it. He stated that
“against the dynamic, growing force of Communism, Hollywood, as powerful shaper
of public opinion as any in the western world, has put up the weakest of counter
attacks” (Reisz 1953, 132). Reisz proposed that Hollywood was purposefully
producing films that portrayed anti-communism as a kind of game which no one
could win, or a farcical, entertaining thriller where the bad guys could be easily
combated through a strong domestic home life. Reisz argued that Hollywood did
not take communism or anti-communism seriously, but rather “sidetrack[ed] the
real issues by dangling an attractive picture of domestic bliss before the
spectator”, thus undermining the seriousness of anti-communism and of the
western cause as a whole (Reisz 1953, 137). This view opposed the traditional
notion that Hollywood, instead of joining the United States government in the
fight against communism, portrayed their actions as a winless game or the plot
of a B-movie thriller. Moreover, Reisz’s statement and Hoover’s prescription to
the menace of communism reflected the widely held belief that a strong domestic
life could do more for the American crusade against communism than any
investigation of the federal government.
This is not to say
that Hoover’s statement regarding the actions of the FBI, the actions of more
conservative individuals, or the Hollywood production circle were
pro-communist. However, there was sizable criticism of the anti-communist
crusade led by the United States government, a movement not usually discussed
in the context of the relationship between Hollywood and the Red Scare. It is
important to note that the protestors almost always gave the same solution to
their problems with the federal government and the Red Scare: a strong domestic
and private life led in the American way. This assertion came from all aspects
of American society, from individuals in Hollywood and in other American
cities, to prominent members of the federal government. Americans throughout the
country believed that the best solution to both combat communism and to tone
down the intensity of the anti-communist investigations would be to maintain a
strong domestic home life steeped in traditional American values – this would
prove to be communism’s kryptonite.
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